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Among state police departments [the West Virginia State Police] may, with its long and arduous experience, be regarded as a battle scarred veteran. It helped develop a new era of policing in the United States.

Only three surviving departments preceded it. None faced greater obstacles. None have contributed more to the safety and well-being of the citizens whose lives and property it protects or to the strength and development of democracy within a state. At the time, I could only manage to produce a limited study in the form of a term paper. Time and opportunity being more abundant recently, I have been able to complete a long-felt desire by producing this monograph. While conducting the research, I was struck by the scarcity of published materials focused on state police in general, and the WVSP in particular.

Most of this study is based on official WVSP reports and other primary sources. I am indebted to several officials who kindly consented to review and comment on the draft: Major Jack R. Conti, PSP. Minsker for answering many "burning questions" which helped materially in finalizing this study.

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Although others contributed information, facts and opinions, I am solely responsible for the contents of this study. It was established in by an act of the West Virginia Legislature. Like the state which it serves, the WVSP was born in an era of political unrest and domestic violence. In earlythe political and social climate of the United States was beginning to feel the initial impact of World War I. Many historians have observed the "moral decline" which frequently follows a major war. Perhaps the most unpleasant aspect of such a decline is the propensity to accept violence as a means of achieving goals or resolving problems.

Certainly the American tradition of frontier violence did not provide any soothing historical precedents. The impact of World War I was especially powerful because of the unprecedented mobilization of manpower and industrial resources required to successfully prosecute the war. Nothing of comparable scale had been seen in America since the Civil War, then a fast fading memory.

Unrest was in the wind. In the industrial arena, trouble seemed unavoidable as labor sought not only to retain its wartime gains, but to obtain higher wages to offset the anticipated post-war inflation. The compulsion of close labor-management cooperation engendered by the war effort evaporated quickly after the November Armistice.

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An October national labor-management conference called by President Wilson to resolve outstanding disagreements failed completely. A wave of strikes spread across America in most notable, those involving the steel and coal mining industries. Bolshevik victory in Russia and the failure of Allied intervention, combined with public emotions, heightened by wartime propaganda, to produce the "Great Red Scare. Apparent evidence of this threat was found in Communist rebellions in Germany and Hungary, the Russo-Polish conflict, and emergence of the Third Communist International, or Comintern, all in Was not the basic purpose of the Comintern, after all, direction of worldwide Communist revolutionary movements?

The fear of radicalism played into the hands of Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer, who had presidential aspirations.

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Over Wilson's objections, Palmer whipped up public hysteria, using the "Red Menace" as a vehicle for making his name a household word. Following Palmer's lead, federal and state governments launched a massive crackdown campaign, including raids, arrests, and deportations which "set a new record in American history for executive transgression of individual constitutional rights.

Eventually, Palmer's own excesses proved his undoing. He had repeatedly warned of a radical plot to overthrow the United States Government, to be launched on May Day Frantic preparations were made to meet the predicted revolution, but May 1 came and went without the threat materializing. As a result, Palmer was discredited and exercised increasingly less influence over public opinion. But many persons suffered injustice and injury before he was unhorsed. A British journalist clearly summarized the national hysteria prevalent during this period: No one who was in the United States, as I chanced to be, in the autumn ofwill forget the feverish condition of the public at that time.

It was hag-ridden by the spectre of Bolshevism. Property was in an agony of fear, and the horrid name 'Radical' covered the most innocent departure from conventional thought with a suspicion of desperate purposes. The spirit of extremism found numerous manifestations: Supreme Court decisions such as Schenck v US, Abrams v US, and Gitlow v People of New York; spectacular anti-radical trials such as Mooney-Billings and Sacco-Vanzetti; expulsion Worth-WV sex on the side five members of the New York State Assembly solely for membership in the legal Socialist Party; the labeling of a railway worker strike as a Communist attempt to seize control of the United States; emergence of the Second Ku Klux Klan, which came to dominate politics in Oregon, Oklahoma, Texas, Arkansas, Indiana, Ohio, and California, and exercised substantial influence in many other states; imposition of restrictive immigration quotas in anda direct reversal of American policy; and a host of "criminal syndicalism laws, teachers' loyalty oaths, the denial of citizenship to pacifists, and the censorship of history textbooks The idealists behind Prohibition had completely overlooked the necessary corollary to make it successful--an effective enforcement machinery.

The federal Prohibition Bureau established under the Volstead Act funded only 1, agent positions inand only 2, by Prohibition enforcement was supposed to be a shared federal-state responsibility, but most states evidenced no real drive to make enforcement effective. Bluntly stated, Prohibition was too unpopular for strict enforcement whenever the probable political backlash was considered.

Prohibition's effects were not, of course, restricted to big cities such as Chicago and New York, although the highest levels of gangster violence and corruption were found there. Of all sources of "bootleg" liquor, illegal distilleries produced the greatest percentage.

And Prohibition violators could operate "stills" just as effectively perhaps more so in rural areas than in the city. This is perhaps the most unfortunate legacy bequeathed to America by the "dry experiment. The state was born in a period of fratricidal warfare, but this merely built on a pattern which had existed since the days of West Virginia's earliest settlers.

There is a tradition of "personalized" violence. Indian warfare demanded a high level of skill and cunning just to stay alive. And most Civil War actions fought in the state were on the guerrilla scale--short, sharp engagements such as ambushes and sniping. There appears to be a great potential for violence in any largely rural region. Families lived in isolated "hollows" or on mountaintops. Ro and railro were very few in. In this environment, the antiquated sheriff-constable system inherited from Great Britain could not maintain order.

One manifestation was the Hatfield-McCoy type of prolonged Worth-WV sex on the side feud. These factors were wedded to produce a "feudal, mountaineer psychology with a traditional dependence upon direct action. Thousands of European and Negro workers were attracted to West Virginia by the opening of the coal mines. They were accom- panied by a disproportionate share of criminal elements. Crime flourished--gambling, prostitution, white slavery, narcotics peddling, and after Prohibition moonshining, bootlegging, and rumrunning.

To handle the flood of cases resulting from the debauchery, the state legislature established special courts, having only criminal jurisdiction, throughout the coal mining counties. Writing of Mingo County injournalist Winthrop D. Lane observed Many people living in these regions believe in settling disputes by personal warfare.

They are used to the arbitrament of force. Human life is held more cheaply than in some more cultivated parts of civilization With industry has come a new cause of warfare. The fight over unionism has taken the place of private feuds. This alone justifies an indepth review of the history of labor strikes and resultant violence. The labor movement in West Virginia is essentially the story of coal miner unionization.

In fact Agriculture was still the "modal occupation" inengaging 47 percent of the workforce, as contrasted with only 7 percent in coal mining. But, mining ed for roughly 40 percent of the state's wage-earning workers. Coal extraction increased from 22 million tons in to 90 million tons inup 33 percent and well ahead of the national average increase. The UMWA's organizing efforts during the 's largely failed due to staunch operator resistance.

Although ranking third in coal production byless than one percent of West Virginia's miners were organized under the union. West Virginia and eastern Pennsylvania constituted the largest nonunion blocks in the coal industry at the turn of the century. These operators had recognized the union inbut found themselves at a disadvantage when West Virginia coal production spurted after The Central operators threatened to cancel their contracts with the UMWA unless the union could successfully organize West Virginia and thereby, reduce the latter's competitive edge.

Between andWest Virginia's industries experienced reported strikes, of which over 60 percent were in coal mining. Major strikes include the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad strike ofin which the governor personally led state militia in an attempt to end the work stop. He failed; federal troops were finally required to restore orderly operation. There were coal strikes in in which militia were again deployed andand a strike of streetcar operators in Wheeling in The UMWA called a general strike inand succeeded in organizing virtually the whole central Kanawha field, "a bastion of unionism in West Virginia for many years.

Other were the loss of scanty union inro in the southern smokeless fields, and increasing operator reliance on armed "private police" to protect their property and suppress union organizing activity. There were comparatively minor strikes in the Northern panhandle fields in and in the Kanawha district in The union called a strike on Paint Creek in April, which rapidly spread to neighboring Cabin Creek mines.

Operators retaliated by firing strikers, evicting them from company-owned houses, importing outside workers "transports" or "scabs" to take strikers' jobs, and bringing in Baldwin-Felts Detective Agency personnel. On the 26th, the Kanawha County sheriff called on the governor to send troops to preserve law and order along the creeks.

As order was restored, all but four companies were discharged in August Hardly had the troops dispersed when a deputy sheriff was killed at Ronda, and rumors circulated that hundreds of miners from the north shore of the Kanawha River were planning to cross over and their comrades along the creeks. This, in fact, happened. Governor William E. Glasscock faced a tough decision: I went up [to Cabin Creek] and Martial law had never been declared in West Virginia and Worth-WV sex on the side hesitated long before deciding to resort to this method of handling the situation, but I decided to declare martial law and issued such a proclamation on the 2nd day of September, Elliot, the first contingent of Guardsmen arrived at Cabin Creek on 2 September.

The proclamation initially covered a zone extending between the creeks south to the Raleigh County line. It remained in force until 14 October. Violence flared again, and a second period of martial law ensued between 15 November and 10 January Hatfield imposed yet a third reign of martial law from 10 February through 12 June Through the subsequent proclamations, the martial law zone had gradually extended until it encompassed nearly square miles and parts of four counties Kanawha, Raleigh, Fayette, and Boone.

At the height, more than 1, Guardsmen were on duty in the zone, and some units remained on duty for a full year after the lifting of the third martial law decree. Senate investigation of the strike situation. Doubtless the most controversial and legally questionable aspect of the martial law administration was the trial, conviction and sentencing to the state penitentiary of hundreds of civilians by a military tribunal situated at Pratt.

The validity of this tribunal's actions were challenged, and upheld in two key cases, Nance and Mays v Brown, 71 W. Glasscock remarked, on hearing of the State Supreme Court's support of executive prerogatives: "In my judgment, the decision of the court in these cases means more for real constitutional government than any other ever before rendered in this state. He made it clear to the UMWA leaders that unless the terms were accepted, "the idle [strikers] and troublemakers" would Worth-WV sex on the side deported from the strike zone. Thus, the state's experience with martial law conditions left considerable discomfort among almost all participants.

It also set a precedent for unpopular employment of National Guard units for strike breaking purposes.

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Opposition to centralized state authority was later to color the political struggle for establishment of a state constabulary force. From tothere were fewer strikes, and these less dramatic, as coal production increased to meet the demands of World War I. Wages and employment also rose steadily. Most coal operators acceded to the federal government's recognition of the right of employees to organize for collective bargaining. This, and a spirit of patriotism, swelled the UMWA's membership lists until, by the end of the war, virtually all of the West Virginia fields had been organized.

Operator intransigence in this region was soon to provoke violence "on a scale not witnessed in West Virginia since the Civil War. The history of the conflict is instructive not only as an insight to the times, but also as revealing the propaganda techniques employed to sway public opinion.

Quenzel's study is the best summary published to date, and the discussion which follows is based largely on his work. Cornwell was the single most influential person in assuring the adoption of the state police concept in West Virginia.

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